Former defence minister Stephen Smith and former defence chief Angus Houston,pictured with Defence Minister Richard Marles at the announcement of the review in August 2022.

Former defence minister Stephen Smith and former defence chief Angus Houston,pictured with Defence Minister Richard Marles at the announcement of the review in August 2022.Credit:Alex Ellinghausen

Underpinning the document is the premise that China represents an existential military threat to Australia. It is not only a given in defence circles,it has the authority of canon law,and to challenge it,even if only in nuance,is to be marginalised.

That reinforces the shift in mission of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) from the defence of the Australian continent to fighting far from home;forward defence – expeditionary forces.The treasury-breaking nuclear-powered submarines are an example of that,and the focus on long-range strike capabilities,particularly the need to be able to attack China directly,underpin the report’s plans for where and how the ADF will prepare to fight for the next several decades.

While proponents admit that China has neither the capability nor intention to undertake a maritime invasion of Australia,and it is clear that the ADF will not impact China’s thinking on Taiwan,it is argued Australia is vulnerable to the interdiction of our maritime trade,its sea lines of communication (SLOC). But how true is that?

If the adversary is China,Australia’s largest trading partner for both exports and imports,then it would be simpler for China just to stop trade with Australia,rather than interdict it. And China has some experience in this.

There’s been a shift in mission of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) from the defence of the Australian continent to fighting far from home;forward defence – expeditionary forces.

There’s been a shift in mission of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) from the defence of the Australian continent to fighting far from home;forward defence – expeditionary forces.

To argue China would use its maritime forces to block Australia’s SLOCs also disregards the prerequisite that it would only occur in the context of a hot war. In that case,China would have its hands full with an intense conflict off its coastline. China could not spare maritime assets from that main effort.

Furthermore,Australia’s Exclusive Economic Zone is enormous – 10 million square kilometres. Add to that the SLOCs of the Indian and Pacific oceans and the policing task for the ADF becomes impossible. Even the US struggled with the challenge when Iran laid a few antiquated mines in the Strait of Hormuz in 1988.

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But the simple fact of China’s military build-up has the defence community determined to contribute to exceeding Beijing’s capabilities to deter the superpower from any aggressive action. This need is based firmly on the defence establishment’s central organising principle – the definition of “threat” is capability to negatively impact Australia’s interests,plus the potential adversary government’s intention toward Australia. But here is the elegant but rationally debased addendum:only capability counts because intention can quickly change.

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Accordingly,any country with the potential to negatively impact Australia is a potential adversary that must be countered.

It does not matter that China’s military build-up is off its own coast – the very region that common sense would dictate to any country to deploy its military capabilities. And for China,which presumably also uses the flawed definition of threat,to have the US navy – the world’s most powerful maritime force – routinely exercising off its coast,with bases and supportive allies ringing China’s coastal region,the requirement to develop a military counter seems not only likely,but understandable in the context of Australia’s own military thinking and planning.

And just as Australia,Japan,and the US are not intimidated by China’s military build-up,neither will China be by Australia’s. Australia’s capabilities,designed to conduct a war off China’s coast and strike into its mainland,will only spur China to greater efforts,resulting in the cyclical,never-ending expansion of military capabilities. It is not only a way to pauper nations,it is a recipe for deadly conflict.

In the defence community,these are among the many questions neither raised nor answered about this approach to security. Another obvious one is,what happens if Australia structures the ADF to fight far from home and the West loses? Clearly,there would be massive vulnerabilities in the defence of Australia,as the opportunity cost of unprecedented expenditure on force projection capabilities will have stripped Australia’s continental defence to a minimum.

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Combine these risks with the record of failed and unnecessary conflicts including Afghanistan,Iraq and Vietnam,and Defence’s repeated delivery of over-budget and under-performing weapon systems and platforms,and there is little basis to welcome the report,or when it comes,the government’s response. Put in a prospectus,who would invest in an IPO like that?

The expeditionary forces path the ADF seems destined to pursue is not new. It is as old as colonialism. Joseph Conrad captured the sense well at the beginning of his bookHeart of Darkness:

“In the empty immensity of earth,sky,and water,there she[a French warship] was,incomprehensible,firing into a continent. Pop,would go one of the six-inch guns;a small flame would dart and vanish,a little white smoke would disappear,a tiny projectile would give a feeble screech—and nothing happened. Nothing could happen. There was a touch of insanity in the proceeding,a sense of lugubrious drollery in the sight;and it was not dissipated by somebody on board assuring me earnestly there was a camp of natives – he called them enemies! – hidden out of sight somewhere.”

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