Underpinning the document is the premise that China represents an existential military threat to Australia. It is not only a given in defence circles,it has the authority of canon law,and to challenge it,even if only in nuance,is to be marginalised.
That reinforces the shift in mission of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) from the defence of the Australian continent to fighting far from home;forward defence – expeditionary forces.The treasury-breaking nuclear-powered submarines are an example of that,and the focus on long-range strike capabilities,particularly the need to be able to attack China directly,underpin the report’s plans for where and how the ADF will prepare to fight for the next several decades.
While proponents admit that China has neither the capability nor intention to undertake a maritime invasion of Australia,and it is clear that the ADF will not impact China’s thinking on Taiwan,it is argued Australia is vulnerable to the interdiction of our maritime trade,its sea lines of communication (SLOC). But how true is that?
If the adversary is China,Australia’s largest trading partner for both exports and imports,then it would be simpler for China just to stop trade with Australia,rather than interdict it. And China has some experience in this.
To argue China would use its maritime forces to block Australia’s SLOCs also disregards the prerequisite that it would only occur in the context of a hot war. In that case,China would have its hands full with an intense conflict off its coastline. China could not spare maritime assets from that main effort.
Furthermore,Australia’s Exclusive Economic Zone is enormous – 10 million square kilometres. Add to that the SLOCs of the Indian and Pacific oceans and the policing task for the ADF becomes impossible. Even the US struggled with the challenge when Iran laid a few antiquated mines in the Strait of Hormuz in 1988.